SWOT Analysis for HMI

SWOT Analysis for HMI HMI is operating in a highly competitive market. The market has various forces that influence the performance of a firm. The music industry has a lot of potential as well as threats. For a clear understanding of the operations of HMI, a SWOT analysis would be of great importance.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on SWOT Analysis for HMI specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The strength of this firm lies in various factors. One of the major strengths of the project is its brand name. Although this brand has not managed to make a huge impact outside the home country, it is quickly gaining acceptance in the industry. The name is expected to attract the youth, who make the majority of the market share in the industry. This firm also has considerable financial strength due to the growth in its sales. As such, this project is in a position to implement its strategies, including those of research and extension. The firm is also exp ected to operate in various cities outside Spain and the United States. As such, it would be able to balance its production in such a way that when one section of its market would be experiencing recession, the other one would be experiencing an economic growth. Despite the above strengths, the firm has some weaknesses consisting in the fact that some of its competitors in this industry eat up a section of the market share. It is evident that one of the weaknesses that many environmentalists have repeatedly talked about is environmental degradation. The plastic materials that this firm uses in making the CDs and the cassettes are causing havoc to the environment. It is disappointing that this firm is yet to develop a solution to this problem because according to a simple market research, it is yet to replace completely the CDs with better alternatives. The firm operates in an environment with some opportunities, which can make it experience a massive growth in its market share. HMI has exploited a vacuum that existed in many countries in the world, especially in the developed countries. It is apparent that there was no competition for this firm in the overseas markets and this company was able to make enough profits; HMI was providing the market with a completely new product that was not comparable with any other in the market. HMI would find it easy to embrace change, which came about because of the changing technologies.Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More This was accelerated by its size, unlike other organizations which would not adopt change due to their large sizes. Technological advancements will also enable the firm to conduct trade easily due to improved means of communication and transport. The economic boom that the US government and various countries in Europe experienced following the end of the recession is another opportunity that can help this firm in expanding its market. The threats that this product is forced to deal with include competition and piracy. The market is very competitive, which calls for the stakeholders to come up with new strategies to counter the effects of competition. It is apparent that many firms are likely to come up with products, which are close substitutes of the products offered by this firm. The firm will have to fight for the available market share with competitors. Piracy is also eating up the profits of this firm. Security concern in some of the cities where this firm operates is another threat that the management must take into account. When there is an internal strife, such as the one experienced in Egypt and Libya in the recent past, the firm would lose millions of dollars due to destruction of its assets. During such periods, the firm would also lose profits it gets, while it will have to pay employees. This would cause a lot of financial damage to the firm.

Story of the Comfort Women of World War II

Story of the Comfort Women of World War II During World War II, the Japanese established military brothels in the countries they occupied. The women in these comfort stations were forced into sexual slavery and moved around the region as Japanese aggression increased. Known as comfort women, their  story is an often understated tragedy of the war that continues to strike debate. The Story of the "Comfort Women" According to reports, the Japanese military began with volunteer prostitutes in occupied parts of China around 1931. The comfort stations were set up near military camps as a way to keep the troops occupied. As the military expanded its territory, they turned to enslaving women of the occupied areas. Many of the women were from countries like Korea, China, and the Philippines. Survivors have reported that they were originally promised jobs like cooking, laundry, and nursing for the  Japanese Imperial Army. Instead, many were forced to provide sexual services. The women were detained next to military barracks, sometimes in walled camps. Soldiers would repeatedly rape, beat, and torture the sex slaves, often multiple times a day. As the military moved throughout the region during the war, women were taken along, often moved far from their homeland. Reports go further to say that as the Japanese war efforts began to fail, the comfort women were left behind with no regard. The claims of how many were sexual slaves and how many were simply recruited as prostitutes are disputed. Estimates of the number of comfort women range from 80,000 to 200,000.   Continuing Tensions Over "Comfort Women" The operation of the comfort stations during World War II has been one that the Japanese government has been reluctant to admit. The accounts are not well detailed and it has only been since the late 20th century that the women themselves have told their stories. The personal consequences on the women are clear. Some never made it back to their home country and others returned as late as the 1990s. Those that made it home either kept their secret or lived a life marked by the shame of what theyd endured. Many of the women could not have children or suffered greatly from health problems.   A number of former comfort women filed lawsuits against the Japanese government. The issue has also been raised with the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. The Japanese government initially claimed no military responsibility for the centers. It was not until papers were discovered in 1992 showing direct links that the larger issue came to light. Yet, the military still maintained that recruitment tactics by middlemen were not the responsibility of the military. They long refused to offer official apologies. In 1993, the Kono Statement was written by then-chief cabinet secretary of Japan, Yohei Kono. In it, he said that the military was â€Å"directly or indirectly, involved in the establishment and management of the comfort stations and the transfer of comfort women.† Still, many in the Japanese government continued to dispute the claims as over exaggerated. It was not until 2015 that Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe issued a formal apology. It was in accord with an agreement with the South Korean government. Along with the much-awaited official apology, Japan contributed 1 billion yen to a foundation formed to help the surviving women. Some people believe that these reparations are still not enough. The "Peace Monument" In the 2010s, a number of Peace Monument statues have appeared in strategic locations to commemorate Koreas comfort women. The statue is often a young girl dressed in traditional Korean clothing sitting serenely in a chair next to an empty chair to signify the women who did not survive. Comfort Woman Statue in Seoul, South Korea. Chung Sung-Jun / Getty Images In 2011, one Peace Monument appeared in front of the Japanese embassy in Seoul. Several others have been installed in equally poignant locations, often with the intent of getting the Japanese government to acknowledge the suffering caused. Comfort Women Statue In San Francisco, California. Justin Sullivan / Getty Images One of the most recent appeared in January 2017 in front of the Japanese consulate in Busan, South Korea. This locations significance cannot be understated. Every Wednesday since 1992, it has seen a rally of supporters for the comfort women. Comfort Woman statue on Seoul public transit bus. Chung Sung-Jun / Getty Images

Case Analysis - Political Interaction Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Case Analysis - Political Interaction - Essay Example nstitution; however, there are multiple restrictions, in form of regulations limiting how lobbyists can appeal national administration for the reparation of criticisms(Ramanna et. al, 2015). Breaking the set rules, even for the corporations guarantees serious consequences including prison sentences. Nonetheless, corporate management is among the core facilitators of financing and lobbying the government; playing roles that have positive and negative influences. Among the core roles of corporate management, lies in campaign finance that entails distribution of available financial resources as contributions and expenditures throughout the campaigning period. Typically, most of the candidates agree that tackling this successfully depends on prominent determinants such as an understanding of the geography and having excellent strategies(Ramanna et. al, 2015). However, without corporate management, most of the executed approaches eventually fail. Corporate management, even outside financing and lobbying the government has most of the practices based on implementation and execution of the best strategies. Resultantly, it enhances the effectiveness of strategies and also comes ups with approaches on handling the expenses relative to campaign finance i.e. salary for the staff and consultants, rented properties, advertisement and purchasing of the utilities. Moreover, in most cases, corporate management applies in reduction of these expenses throug h review and development of better campaigning strategies(Ramanna et. al, 2015). Typically, corporate management enables a significant percentage of campaign efficiency through the inclusion of protocols, policies, approaches and other practices that are mostly prevalent in the corporate world. On the other hand, corporate management has a negative influence through relative practices in financing and lobbying for the government. In fact, most of the critics and negative perceptions of campaign finance and lobbying have the

Soft power Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Soft power - Essay Example The first problem is that a country has diverse individuals who can either choose to like the attraction or not. In addition, whether the appeal will result to the capacity to influence the country’s policy depends on the groups in the country who deem it attractive and not forgetting. In addition, the level of authority in policymaking is equally important. Secondly, policy making at national level proves to be more intricate compared to the personal level. It has diverse dynamics that emphasize mainly on coherent deliberations (Fan 150). The situation gives little space for emotional elements and consequently minimizes the soft power effect. Fan (150) affirms that since soft power proves to be both uncontrollable and impulsive, it would be difficult to exercise it in an organized and synchronized manner. Soft power implies the ability to shape the inclination of others. Whether power can operate effectively at state level will remain questionable. This is true because soft power exercised by a certain country may have a positive impact on the partisan elite and have undesirable influence on the public in another country (Szczudlik 46). Several complicating factors are responsible for shaping the association amid countries. The situation leaves soft power playing a minimal role towards such a relationship. Ultimately, strategic interests determine the relationship amid countries as opposed to soft power. In addition, one cannot envision a country having enormous soft power without the back up of hard power. It is not strange that the United States is a superpower that possesses immense hard and soft power. The situation implies that countries may share a common agenda or cultural affiliations and still create some form of distance regarding matters of national relationships. The association amid China and Japan proves to be a good example to attest this occurrence. Szczudlik (46) argues that regardless of the historical cultural affiliations and

Eye Witness Essay Example for Free

Eye Witness Essay This essay is based on â€Å"The Story of an Eyewitness† by Jack London and â€Å"Leaving Desire† by Jon Lee Anderson. â€Å"The Story of an Eyewitness† talks about how the San Francisco earthquake and fire destroyed the city in 1906. â€Å"Leaving Desire† talks about a victim of hurricane Katrina in New Orleans. London and Anderson’s coverage of these disasters are different in several ways. Some examples of their differences are portrayed in the author’s purpose, the achievement of their purpose, and the authors focus. Purpose for Writing London’s purpose for writing is to describe the destruction of San Francisco from the earthquake and fire. London describes the effects the disasters had on the city. For example, â€Å"The earthquake shook down in San Francisco hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of walls and chimneys†¦ I passed through Union Square. It was packed with refugees. Thousands of them had gone to bed on the grass. Government tents had been set up†¦Ã¢â‚¬  this describes how the disasters had an effect on the living conditions in the city. London describes the attitude of the people in San Francisco, which is sort of a hopeless feeling because they knew that their valuables and their own selves couldn’t be rescued. In the text, â€Å" ‘yesterday morning’ he said, â€Å"I was worth six hundred thousands dollars. This morning this house is all I have left. It will all go in fifteen minutes. † The victim of the earthquake has an attitude of ‘there is nothing I can do’ (hopeless), and London doesn’t really state it but its apparent by what the victim says. London Also describes the remains of San Francisco, which is barely anything. In the article he writes, â€Å"San Francisco is gone. Nothing remains of it but memories and a fringe of dwelling houses on its outskirts. † This plainly states that everything is gone, but further into the article (page 413) he builds it up in description. Anderson’s purpose for writing is to create the mood of empathy in the reader from the victim’s experience. Anderson has also witnessed heartbreaking things in New Orleans, for example, â€Å"As the water rose, they took refuge in the choir loft. They stayed there for eight days, drinking the water the storm washed in. We were down to our last two crackers. †Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬  That created an empathetic mood because the old married couple barely made it through these eight days and only had little to eat and unsanitary drinking water. Anderson learns how the disaster effected the main victim in this article, Lionel Petrie. For example â€Å"Petrie took a step back on his porch†¦Ã¢â‚¬ Can I take my dog with me? †Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ â€Å"I hate this. † Then she said to him, â€Å"I am so sorry Mr. Petrie, but, no, they won’t allow us to take animals. You will have to leave him here. †¦Ã¢â‚¬  This creates a mood of empathy because thinking he probably loved his dog very much it would be hard to leave him there to perish in the storm. Anderson gives details about what Petrie had to witness in his town. For example â€Å"As we made our way down Desire, Petrie looked around him at the devastation, his neighbors houses submerged in water. He said â€Å"Oh my God. I had no idea. † Petrie’s shocked and disturbed feeling really advances the mood of empathy in the article because he is so overwhelmed and hurt by what he saw, thinking it wasn’t going to be as bad as it was. How Purpose is Achieved London achieves his purpose by using descriptive language and words/terms. He describes his surrounding and the destruction of the city, like he says, â€Å"The streets were humped into ridges and depressions, and piled with the debris of fallen walls†¦The steel rails were twisted into perpendicular and horizontal angles. † London describes what the city looks like by using descriptive words such as depressions, horizontal, perpendicular, steel, and twisted. He also discusses the people of San Francisco and their reactions about what happened or what was to come. For example â€Å"Try that piano. Listen to its tone. There are a few like it. There are no horses. The flames will be here in fifteen minutes. † This victim doesn’t state that he has given up on trying to be saved but the words he says expresses that he has lost all hope. London tells how everything is destroyed in the city by repeating the same descriptive phrase. He says, â€Å"Its industrial section is wiped put. Its business section is wiped out. Its social and residential section is wiped out†¦Ã¢â‚¬  London describes sentence by sentence how all together San Francisco s gone. Anderson’s purpose is achieved by getting a primary source and being a primary source of the aftermath of the hurricane. He was able to get information about Petrie’s sad experience. For example â€Å"Petrie explained that his wife and son and daughter had left the city†¦ He didn’t know where his family was now†¦Ã¢â‚¬  The author creates an empathetic mood by getting the reader to think about losing our family members or not knowing where they were and wondering if you would ever see them again. Anderson tells about Petrie’s worries and fears of the unknown. For example â€Å"Petrie told me that he was worried about his aunt Willa Mae Butler: â€Å"She’s about eighty-two and lives on†¦ I’m worried she’s dead, because this time she said she wasn’t going. † Petrie is unsure about his families’ safety and that actually creates a mood of sympathy. People have experiences this in natural disasters like the earthquake in the fall of 2011. Anderson uses the surroundings to create a mood of empathy in the reader. For example â€Å"A boat came up and deposited an elderly black couple†¦ They took refuge in the choir loft. They stayed there for eight days, drinking the water the storm washed in. † This creates a mood of empathy through the surroundings because he saw the couple and heard what they went through and its heartbreaking they had to go through it. Focus of the Author London focuses on San Francisco as a whole. He focuses on how the earthquake had an impact on the entire city. For example â€Å"San Francisco is gone. † He doesn’t say one specific area of the city is gone, but the entire San Francisco. London also tells about where the fire hit and where it was heading. He writes, â€Å"I sat on the steps of a small residence on Nob Hill†¦ To the east and south at right angles, were advancing two mighty walls of flame†¦ I went inside with the owner of the house on the steps of which I sat†¦ â€Å"The flames will be here in fifteen minutes. † London tells where the flames were a citizen of San Francisco tells when the flames will be in fifteen minutes. London gives information about how the victims, or soon to be victims, reacted to the danger (fire), for example â€Å"He was an old man and he was on crutches. Said he: â€Å"Today is my birthday. Last night I was worth thirty thousand dollars. I bought some delicate fish and other things for my birthday dinner. I have had no dinner, and all I own are these crutches. † The old man seems to be very disappointed that the fire has destroyed everything he owned. His reaction to the disaster is disappointment. Anderson’s main focus is on Lionel Petrie and Ninth Ward of New Orleans. He only covers one part of New Orleans in the story. For example â€Å"Alladio was out on a search for trapped survivors†¦ in one of the poorest and worst-hit parts of the city, the Ninth Ward, in eastern New Orleans. That basically tells what area the article mainly focuses on. Anderson’s article is based on the experience of Lionel Petrie and barely anyone else’s. For example â€Å"Petrie explained that his wife and son and daughter had left the city by car, heading for Baton Rouge†¦ he didn’t know where his family was now, and if he left, they wouldn’t know where he was. † This tells about Petrie’s experience in not knowing whether he would see his family again. Anderson is writhing about Lionel Petrie who lived in Ninth Ward of New Orleans so that would most likely be the place Anderson would cover and focus on. In the story it says, â€Å"When I first saw Lionel Petrie, he was standing on the second story porch of his house, at the junction of Desire Street and North Bunny Friend, in the Ninth Ward of New Orleans. † This is the first sentence of the entire article so apparently it is about Lionel Petrie who lived in Ninth Ward of New Orleans. Conclusion In conclusion London’s purpose, achievement of purpose, and focus, differ from Anderson’s. They both use their differences to cover the disasters in their articles. Though the author’s methods of reportage were different, both were very effective in achieving their purposes. (Jon Lee Anderson)

Responsibility for Eddies Death Essay -- A View from the Bridge Arthu

Responsibility for Eddie's Death In a 'View from the bridge,' Beatrice illustrates her views clearly on recent events by saying on page 61. 'Whatever happened, we all done it, and don't you forget it Catherine.' She is stating that everyone contributed significantly to what has happened in one way or another. On page 4, Alfieri's view of 'settling for half', is different to the way he says it on page 64. On page 64 he says, 'Most of the time we settle for half.' He has differentiated the two words 'now' and 'most'. This is because he has seen Eddie become a victim of his own culture and seen the way he respects the Code of Conduct. Alfieri has concluded from that, that the best way is not to settle for half all the time. But 'Most of the time we settle for half and I like it better.' Both Beatrice and Alfieri have illustrated their views however, their views on recent events contrast to each other significantly. We are introduced to the first key scene where we find Eddie's reaction to Catherine's job offer, 'You can't take no job, why didn't you ask me before taking on a job?' This is clearly showing Eddie's insecurity and doesn't want her to gain any independence; another reason for this reaction is he doesn't want her to get a boyfriend via her new job. This scene has created a sense of tension due to high levels of jealousy surrounding the conversation. Also, Eddie believes that the man should be the provider and the woman does the housework. This prepares the audience for many more scenes similar to this as Eddie's reaction is huge compared to the situation. Therefore, there may be chances of his jealousy taking over and spiralling out of control. When Marco and Rodolpho arrive from Ital... ..., this could have helped diffuse the situation in a way so then at least everyone's true feelings would have been out in the open. Marco was at fault for what happened at the end of the play was he provoked the situation at eh end of the play by saying that he wouldn't give Eddie back his name, and causing a great deal of tension in the household in the boxing scene. Catherine was remotely responsible for Eddie's death at the end of the play by getting involved with Rodolpho too early and against Eddie's will and so it lead to Eddie snitching on Rodolpho and Marco. Rodolpho was responsible as he got involved with Catherine and didn't ask Eddie for permission in the first place, that is regarded as a sensible thing for a gentleman to do. Out of both quotations made by Beatrice and Alfieri I think that Beatrice's quote summed up the truth of the play.

Egypt’s Culture and Political System Essay

The Egyptian culture is considered one of the oldest cultures in human history. Surprisingly, it almost has some of gender equality except that it needs more to consider, in order achieving the third Millennium Development Goal, which talks of achieving gender equity/equality and women empowerment by 2015. I would recommend that the Egyptian constitution considers enacting and/or passing several legislations in favor of women and as well give recognition to the informal market sector, where bulks of the women are making meaningful contribution to the economy. I would also recommend that this ancient nation and culture acknowledges the home, where the men considerably have all the major decision making powers. I am of the conviction that women make sound and major decisions as well and can provide better and transformation ideas, realizing the remarkably undeniable work of the women of Liberia during the civil war. I believe that if our generation begins to identify the errors of past generations, relative to gender-related issues, and if we address those issues in more formal ways by beginning to give women their rightful places in society; ensuring that opportunities and privileges are equally and equitably distributed, our world can be the most enjoyable place even for generations unborn. In an effort to do this, we must begin with an identification of the problems as stated above, discuss them thoroughly as a way of enabling us to craft or design ideas that would amicably resolve them for the better of our general world, beginning with the Egyptian society. In Egypt the political system of policies and regulations of its political structure is based on its fundamental laws and practices. Most of which shows how the Egyptian government positions its power on the state and the society it governs. Egypt started out being a Republic adopting a democratic system. This system  defines the way i n which it uses its public authority. There are basically six parts to this system. The first is the constitutional system. There was a constitution of the Arab Republic of Egypt in 1971 that was used but then had a written amendment to it in 1980. The actual amendment had commonality in the English Common Law which came from the Napoleonic Code. It simply explains that Egypt declares it’s self as an Arab Republic with a democratic system. The second part is called the Executive Branch. The president is called the Head of State. The head of state is selected by a minimum one-third majority of the Majlis ash-Sha’ab, which is the â€Å"People’s Assembly. The People’s Assembly must approve by a minimum of two-thirds and have to be elected by a majority referendum. The election term is for six years with the possibility for re-election with conditional reasons for return. Putting into to play the general state policy is made up and supervised by the Head of State. He also rules the Armed Force. The last elected president of the republic was Mohammed Hosni Mubarak. The supreme executive and administrative organ of the State is the government; they are comprised of the Council of Ministers. This is ruled by the Prime Minister and he is the overseer of the work of the government. The highest part of the government is the Executive and administrative part of the Egyptian Republic is the Council of Ministers. The Ministers are together responsible for the policy and procedure of the State before the People’s Assembly, every Minister is responsible for the performance of his Ministry and is held to accountability to do so. The Parliament has great power as well. They have the power to withdraw confidence from the Cabinet or from any Cabinet member and leave them powerless. The fourth part of this system is the Legislative Branch. This branch of the Egyptian Parliament is a reflection in character and consists of the People’s Assembly, or Majlis El-Shaab and the Advisory Council or Majlis El-Shourah. â€Å"The People’s Assembly is the legislative branch of the State consisting of 444 directly elected members and 10 members appointed by the President, who serve for a term of five years. It has the power to approve the general policy, new laws, the budget and the development plans of the government. It also has the authority to undertake investigations and to levy taxes, besides appointing the Presidential candidate and passing a vote of no-confidence in the cabinet. The Advisory Council with 140 members, out of which 70 members  are nominated by the President, is Egypt’s consultative council. It offers advices and consultation and proposes to the Assembly new laws and regulations† (Haas, F. 2008). The fifth part of the system is the Judicial Branch. The Judicial branch System was brought into the country introduced into the country in 1854 and predicated on the English common law, Islamic law, and Napoleonic codes system to go through for four categories of courts of justice. Almost like the United States the highest judicial body is the Supreme Constitutional Court, the Court of Cessation. There are seven courts of Appeal in the various systems, and the Summary Tribunals in the districts are the principal court system in Egypt. It guarantees the independence of the judicial system. The fifth system is the Party of Power. This system is ruled on a multi-party system. â€Å"The Law 40 of 1977 regulates the development of political parties in Egypt. Though there is currently 17 active political parties representing various stands across the political spectrum, the law prohibits the creation of religious-based political parties in the state. Presently the National Democratic Party holds the majority of seats in the People’s Assembly† (History. 2012). The sixth system is the local government. This is headed by a Governor who is appointed by the President which is very different as to how they are selected in the US. â€Å"Egypt is administratively divided into 26 Governorates. Within their districts, local government units establish and run all public utiliti es, provide services and designate industrial areas. Working closely at various levels with local government is the Local Popular Councils. The basics: Egypt is a large, mostly Arab, mostly Muslim country. At around 80 million people, it has the largest population in the Middle East and the third-largest in Africa. Most of Egypt is in North Africa, although the part of the country that borders Israel, the Sinai Peninsula, is in Asia. Its other neighbors are Sudan to the South, Libya to the West, and Saudi Arabia across the Gulf of Aqaba to the East. It has been was ruled by Hosni Mubarak since from 1981 until February 11th†( Pew Research Center 2011, November 17). As to what is going on today in Egypt. There has been fierce protest in Egypt that has been promoted by the recent protests in which led to the fall of the Tunisian government as well as getting rid of longtime Tunisian dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. The Egyptians have gathered momentum to get support of other protesters across the Arab world in Algeria, notably in  protesting their autocratic governments, high levels of corruption, and grinding pove rty. This is a big reason Why Egyptians unhappy and disturbed about the government. They feel they have no basic freedom than Tunisians. â€Å"Egypt is ranked 138th of 167 countries on The Economist’s Democracy index, a widely accepted measure of political freedom. That ranking puts Egypt just seven spots ahead of Tunisia. And Egyptians are significantly poorer than their cousins to the west† (Mislan, D. 2012). How did this all start? These protests started with the protests in Tunisia. Just like their Tunisian counterparts, â€Å"Egyptian protesters have pointed to a specific incident as inspiration for the unrest. Many have cited the June 2010 beating death of Khaled Said, allegedly at the hands of police, as motivation for their rage. But it’s also clear that the issues here are larger† (Prager, D. 2012). This seems to be complicated for the US more than Tunisia was. The â€Å"Tunisian regime was a key ally for the US in the fight against Al Qaeda. But the US government’s ties to Tunisia’s Ben Ali pale in comparison to American ties to Egypt. Shadi Hamid of the Brookings Institution, a centrist think tank, explains: Predictions that a Tunisia-like uprising will soon topple Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak are premature the Egyptian regime, with its well-paid military, is likely to be more unified and more ruthless than its Tunisian counterparts were. The U.S. is the primary benefactor of the Egyptian regime, which, in turn, has reliably supported American regional priorities. After Iraq, Afghanistan, and Israel, Egypt is the largest recipient of U.S. assistance, including $1.3 billion in annual military aid. In other words, if the army ever decides to shoot into a crowd of unarmed protestors, it will be shooting with hardware provided by the United States. As Steven Cook of the Council on Foreign Relations points out, the Egyptian military is â€Å"not there to project power, but to protect the regime (History. 2012)†. There was a movement started in Egypt called the Egyptian Movement for Change (EMC). It also has another name called, Kefaya which in English means â€Å"Enough†. This came about in 2004. Almost immediately its importance to Egyptian political life was recognized, though not understood. Both Egyptian and Western analysts have mischaracterized the movement. Interpretations have been too narrow, focusing on specific details and ignoring the movement’s broad vision, or too broad, mistaking Kefaya for a generic social movement in the Western mode. All such approaches fail to  appreciate Kefaya’s real contribution. This essay argues that Kefaya’s significance lies in its transformative potential as a broad political force that is uniquely suited to the needs of the moment in Egypt. It is at once a cross-ideological force that has the potential, in the long run, of creating a new mainstream and a movement of a new kind that is creating a distinctive and promis ing form of politics for Egypt. Egypt’s political system has reached a dead end in the early twenty-first century. The opposition political parties are locked in their headquarters, unable to communicate with the public. Virtually acquiescing to the siege of an arsenal of restrictive laws, these political parties have for years suffered from an increasingly diminishing membership, a lack of operational funds, and internecine internal feuds. The â€Å"illegality† of the Muslim Brothers (MB) has paradoxically liberated that organization from restrictions that come with governmental licensing. However, the ideology, posture, secrecy, and political tactics of the grassroots-based MB engender the mistrust of many political forces, including some Islamists. At the same time, the secularist-Islamist polarization hinders the possibility of reaching any meaningful consensus on critical issues. This blockage is not lost on the regime, the clear beneficiary of such divisions among its adversaries, and it does not augur well for the future of the brothers in a lead role in shaping Egyptian political life. Amid this political disarray, a new generation of Egyptians holds the promise for transforming politics in Egypt. They have found a home and an instrument in Kefaya and in the process have invented a new form of politics. Their innovations are historically grounded on the specifics of Egypt’s political life in recent decades. Unique Egyptian circumstances have shaped their experiences, aspirations, and vision for the future. With the seething political discontent on the one hand and the ideologically based mistrust and mutual exclusion among the political forces on the other, Egypt needs today, more than ever, a new form of politics that pulls together diverse ideas from across the political spectrum to forge a new national project. For more than a decade, a group of activists and intellectuals have interacted across ideological lines to reach a common ground. Kefaya emerged as one manifestation of these efforts and as an important illustration of the possibilities of this new politics.  While such collaborative work across ideological lines is not unique in democratic experiences around the world, Kefaya represents the first successful effort of that sort in modern Egyptian politics. This essay, based on primary sources, including open-ended interviews, statements, newspaper articles, and reports, as well as unpublished documents, is composed of three main parts. The first part explains in more detail the reasons why Kefaya has been widely mischaracterized; the second illustrates why and how Kefaya represents a new force with the potential of creating a new mainstream; and the third explores the new politics invented by Kefaya. There has been Misunderstanding Kefaya Since its early days, there have been various critical interpretations of Kefaya by politicians and intellectuals alike, at times citing deficiencies in the movement’s profile, actions, and approach, while at other times dismissing the movement outright as being a â€Å"foreign puppet† or the pastime of â€Å"a bunch of kids.† The most serious and widely noted critique of Kefaya is that it has been essentially a mere protest movement, targeting President Mubarak personally, without putting forward an alternative candidate or articulating a constructive vision for political transformation. The critique along these lines has gained more momentum since the 2005 presidential election. Because Kefaya’s main slogan expressed the rejection of a fifth term for Mubarak as well as the succession of his son, the argument goes that Kefaya lost its raison d’etre with the end of the election. â€Å"Except for rejecting the election results, symbolized by the slogan of ‘Batel’, nothing new was produced.† When Kefaya played a leading role in the formation of the National Front for Change on the eve of the subsequent parliamentary elections, it was criticized as passing the torch to the old opposition parties, the very same entities whose inaction it has been formed to face. (Haas, F. 2008)†.The EMC had been â€Å"dragged into sitting together with the leaders of the tamed opposition, instead of putting forward a demand for changing the electoral system.† While critics clearly question Kefaya’s contribution to Egyptian politics, even the more positive assessments of the EMC mischaracterize it. For example, the American Left sees Kefaya as the beginning of â€Å"the process of rebuilding an Egyptian Left crushed by decades of police oppression† and a reverse of its â€Å"political marginalization caused by the rise of political Islam (Haas, F. 2008)†. Some Egyptian analysts as well characterize Kefaya  as a â€Å"secular† protest movement and thereby implicitly expect its role to be the containment of the Islamists. Kefaya has been so widely misunderstood in the West as well as among the Western-educated elite in Egypt because of the reliance on Western social scientific classifications, notably the social movement literature, to make sense of a phenomenon emerging from the very different Egyptian context. This shortcoming is compounded by looking at Kefaya with an ideologically selective eye. While Kefaya has indeed demonstrated several of the characteristics highlighted in the literature on new social movements, it is neither single issue oriented nor concerned with identity two of the most important features of new social movements. Shoehorning Kefaya into a category derived from the experience of postindustrial societies obscures more than it illuminates. Nevertheless, the concept of the new social movement comes closest to capturing certain features of Kefaya. The movement is one of dissent, aiming in a constant and persistent endeavor toward the transformation of Egypt.4 It is a loose network of small groupings around the country. Like social movements, it aims at generating public attention and has emerged from a realization of the perils involved in conventional party politics in Egypt, marked by debilitating restrictions and dilemmas. In other words, Kefaya emerges out of realization that the institutional channels are neither neutral nor amenable to the demands for change. However, unlike conventional social movements and because of the specific necessities of the Egyptian context, Kefaya is not focused on a single issue. The same, incidentally, is true of the Islamic movement whose platform also embraces a range of issues. In addition to the breadth of the issues addressed by Kefaya, the movement is ideologically diverse. In this way, it differs from the Islamic movement. While the latter has a concrete ideology shaping its project, Kefaya goes beyond any single ideology to be the only movement in contemporary Egypt that emerged out of serious political interactions across ideological lines. Approaching Kefaya through the prism of the social movement literature, with its American scholarship emphasis on resource mobilization and political processes, blinds analysis to this distinctive feature, which is in fact one of the most important contributions of Kefaya to Egypt’s political life. There is concern about the momentum behind Egypt’s emergency law, and what it means for progress both the incredible progress that has already been  made and the equally incredible progress that has yet to be made. There is concern about the treatment and status of the Copts and other members of the Christian Egyptian minority. There is concern about the security of the Egyptian–Israeli border and about relations between the two countries in general. There is concern that the progress that has been made thus far could actually lead to a reversal of Egypt’s progress, should the freedom to elect lead to a government that constricts the freedom of the Egyptian people even more than we have seen over the past 30 years And the list could go on. Indeed, there is no shortage of things about which to worry. There is a fine line between worrying and believing. Similarly, there is a fine line between two, seemingly contradictory, truths: Some degree of discontent with our present circumstances is healthy and necessary, because discontent fuels progress; at the same time, being happy requires that we make a point of being happy wherever we are. There is a fine and difficult line between making the best of our current reality and not giving up. It is necessary to think through all possible outcomes, including the undesirable and even the remote ones. Both worrying and believing are the result of thinking. Worry and anxiety result from focusing on undesirable outcomes no matter how probable or improbable. Belief, on the other hand, is the result of focusing on the best possible outcomes again, no matter how probable or improbable. Whereas worrying fuels panic and skepticism, believing fuels faith and hope. Positive action rarely results from the chaos, fear, or feelings of scarcity that often accompany worry. Faith and hope lead to trust and courage; and trust and courage lead to positive, prosaically action. So, yes, there does seem to be a great deal to worry about right now. Even still, if there’s even the remotest possibility that believing instead of worrying will lead to continued progress, and then it seems to me that believing is what we have to do. Positive Psychology has been described by Martin Seligman and others as the science of what makes life worth living; of what is working for individuals, families, communities, and society more broadly. The Positive Psychology experiment with which we are now charged is to, together, choose belief over worry. At least between now and Egypt’s presidential election, let us together make a conscious, deliberate decision to focus on what is working and how it can lead to the best possible future for Egypt and for the world as a whole. References Mislan, D. (2012). Cross Cultural Perspectives. San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education, Inc. Haas, F. (2008). German Science and Black Racism–Roots of the Nazi Holocaust. FASEB Journal, 22(2), 332-337. History. (2012). Germany Country Review, 7-14. Ninkovich, F. (2001). The United States and Imperialism. Wiley-Blackwell. Pew Research Center. (2011, November 17). The American-Western European Values Gap. Retrieved fromhttp://www.pewglobal.org/2011/11/17/the-american-western-european-values-gap/ Prager, D. (2012). Still the Best Hope: Why the World Needs American Values to Triumph. HarperCollins.